The Šangû Ninurta Archive. more

Heather D. Baker and Michael Jursa (eds), Approaching the Babylonian Economy. Proceedings of the D START Project Symposium Held in Vienna, 1-3 July 2004 (Veroffentlichungen zur D Wirtschaftsgeschichte Babyloniens im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr., Band 2), AOAT 330, Munster 2005. The Sangu-Ninurta archive Cornelia Wunsch (Tubingen, London and Kansas City)1 Provenance and museum collections The group of texts referred to below as the Sangu-Ninurta archive was found in the British Museum's 'Babylon Collection' as a by-product of my searching through this hitherto uncatalogued material for unpublished stray Egibi texts. So far, I have identified about a hundred texts which form a distinct group linked by internal criteria: personal names, place names and related transactions.2 Most of the tablets belong to the acquisitions 1881-7-1 (high numbers)3 and 1881-8-30 and bear numbers between BM 43,000 and BM 48,000. Some stray Sangu-Ninurta texts have also come to light so far in other collections of the British Museum, such as 1881-7-27, 1881-11-3' and 1882-5-22. Two records concerning the cancellation of a slave purchase by members of this family are known thanks to the Egibi archive.7 All known Sangu-Ninurta texts come from uncontrolled excava- tions conducted in the early 1880s, when they passed through the Near Eastern an- tiquities market to London. Only a handful has been published so far by the present writer;8 an edition of the remainder is in preparation. The research on which this article is based was conducted under the terms of a project "Erbrecht in Babylonien und Assyrien" at Tubingen University under the direction of Konrad Volk and sponsored by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. It included sev- eral periods of study at the British Museum; thanks are due to the staff at the Department of the Ancient Near East, especially C.B.F. Walker. 2 On criteria for the identification of archival material without archaeological context and the problem of what is preserved and lost in the process of transmission through antiq- uity until modern times see Baker 2004a: 5f. 3 Some of the tablets of the Bel-remanni archive come from this same lot, but they were assigned mainly lower numbers; see Jursa 1999: 4-6. 4 1881-7-27, 211 (no BM number assigned). 5 1881-11-3, 1273 (BM 48563), published in Wunsch 1997/98: 95 (no. 28). 6 1882-5-22, 437 (BM 54617), courtesy M. Jursa. 7 v Nbk. 386 (purchase of a slave woman for twenty-three shekels by Nabu-etir//Sangu- Ninurta); BRM 151 (cancellation of the sale following a claim, receipt of the purchase price by Nabu-etir). The Egibi family, who had a prior claim to the slave woman and paid the purchase price back to Nabu-etir, kept these records in their files. 8 Wunsch 1997/98: 95 no. 28 and BaAr 2 nos. 4, 27-32 (nos. 2, 6, 10, 11, and 18, which come from the same acquisition context, may somehow belong to this archive but a link cannot be proven so far). 366 Cornelia Wunsch The text cluster centres around three family groups: (1) Members of the Sangu- Ninurta family over three generations; (2) members of the Bel-aplu-usur family, interrelated by marriage with the Sangu-Ninurta family, and (3) members of the Etiru family, of which one daughter married into the Bel-aplu-usur family. The texts were drafted in Babylon or in small localities in the area around this city. The oldest ones date from the time of Nebuchadnezzar,9 the latest ones from the beginning of Xerxes' reign. This cut-off point coincides with the end of several archives of well-established and influential Babylonian families.10 Intermixed with the Sangu-Ninurta and related archival groups are tablets centering around a certain Marduk-ra'im-kitti (or Kittiya) from the Ir'anni fam- ily, which cannot yet be linked to the aforementioned cluster, although future in- depth studies may well succeed in tracing the connections. Contents and nature of the archive The archive contains property-title deeds as well as records of day-to-day busi- ness transactions, as would be expected from an archive of a well-to-do urban Babylonian family. But the chronological distribution of these record types within the archive branches is somewhat unusual and puzzling. The genealogical tree (Fig. 1) may serve as a rough guide for the reader's orientation. It shows the key individuals and their relationship, and hints at the type of records in which they occur. 9 One record (BaAr 2 10, preserved in three copies) about an urban plot of land that was conveyed as part of a dowry from the time of Nabopolassar (i.e. from two generations earlier) may belong to our archive as a retroact. 10 See Waerzeggers 2003/2004: 156f. (with discussion of previous literature on the end of archives). The Sangu-Ninurta archive 367 Most of the documents that show members of the Sangu-Ninurta family as ac- tive parties deal with the acquisition of real estate, primarily agricultural land, the use of these properties and their transmission to the next generation, though only in the female line via dowries. No records of inheritance divisions among brothers survive. The aforementioned documents are complemented by some dowry records of women marrying into the Sangu-Ninurta family, while only a few day-to-day business records come from the last two generations (Iddin-Bel and Itti-Nabu-balatu). This evidence fits the expected pattern of an inactive lot when we assume that property titles were retained, day-to-day records discarded after they had lost their importance, and the most recent records were kept in a different, active archive. More than half of the records from the Bel-aplu-usur branch concern the dowries of fNadaya, the woman who married into the Sangu-Ninurta family, and her sister fBabaya, with whom she co-owned a field. Day-to-day records also stem from these women's generation, but show their brother Harisanu as an active party. The archive further contains title deeds pertaining to the latter's wife's inheritance. These findings do not fit well with the idea of a Sangu- Ninurta family archive. Although we would expect this to have incorporated the title deeds of the women marrying into the family, the business of their brothers ought to be documented elsewhere. On the other hand, it does not help to sup- pose that the Sangu-Ninurta records ended up with the Bel-aplu-usur family, namely Harisanu and his son, as the last archive holders. In this case the pres- 368 Cornelia Wunsch ence of records of Itti-Nabu-balatu from the last Sangu-Ninurta generation and his in-laws could not be accounted for. The most likely explanation assumes that descendants of both family branches intermarried in the next generation, merging the respective record groups concerning their inheritance but setting the most recent documents aside. As long as no such records turn up, it is impossible to determine just who was the last archive holder. While the evidence so far fits the pattern of archival practice known from other families (though perhaps with rather more title deeds and fewer day-to-day business documents than one might expect), the introduction of the Etiru family blurs the picture somewhat. We have some information about the property of fSikkuttu, a woman who married into this family and passed part of her wealth via her daughter to the Bel-aplu-usur family.11 These records we would expect to have been kept in our archive. But the other members of the Etiru family (her father-in-law, her brother-in-law and her nephew) are known from scattered attestations in business records that do not belong here as they have nothing to do with fSikkuttu's or her daughter's inheritance, while records of fSikkuttu's husband are conspicuously absent. The key to explaining part of this abnormal situation may lie in a house sale according to which the aforementioned woman purchased a part of her nephew's dwelling in Babylon.12 It may well have contained remnants of his father's and grandfather's discarded business records. As a share in this house later was con- veyed to her daughter, who married into the Bel-aplu-usur family, our archive may thus have ended up in the same place as these early tablets from the Etiru family. This assumption, however, does not explain why a few business records of the nephew Bel-nadin-apli himself, dated after he had sold the house, survive. One record in particular is puzzling: a marriage contract for his granddaughter (his daughter's daughter).13 The granddaughter's husband probably came from the same family as the youngest attested Sangu-Ninurta family member's wife. One may therefore suspect another later, unattested marriage link between the three families who left this cluster of records. The importance of the archive The individual texts in this archive do not seem extraordinary in themselves. The majority are title deeds or records relating to the use of property and its income such as form the core of most private archives. What is striking is the dense documentation on dowries of women marrying into and out of these closely related families over three generations, similar in size so far only to the 11 fv See Wunsch 2003: 89-105 for a detailed study of Sikkuttu's records. 12 BaAr 2 29, presumably early in Darius's reign. 13 BaAr 2 4, late in the reign of Darius. The Sangu-Ninurta archive 369 evidence from the much larger Egibi archive. Considerable assets are conveyed through the marriages of these women which, in effect, serve as vehicles for property to pass from one generation to the next and, through their children, into different families, as illustrated by the following diagram (Fig. 2). In this respect the Sangu-Ninurta archive helps to throw light on Neo-Babylonian inheritance practice, especially the pattern of dowries and the transmission of property among well-to-do families. Most strikingly, the records of fSikkuttu reveal an affluent woman (presumably widowed at an early age) who manages her assets on her own and decides how to distribute them among her children. Compared to the documentation on these families' properties the evidence of their business activities (and therefore the way in which they built up their wealth) is small. These latter records are quite diverse, and by themselves pro- vide only scattered points over a wide range of transactions, which in isolation would not reveal much about what is going on. But Neo-Babylonian studies have now reached a sufficiently sophisticated level that we can compare the Sangu-Ninurta records to other archives which have more complete background information, enabling us to infer what kind of transactions were being conducted and on what general terms. 370 Cornelia Wunsch Fig. 3: The distribution of texts according to generation, protagonist, and trans- action type Key: BAU = Bel-aplu-usur, E = Etiru, EI = (Ea)-eppes-ili, SN = Sangu-Ninurta, UM = URU.DU-mansum. Texts may be counted twice or more if more than one individual appears as party to the contract. I: Ea-ahhe-iddin//Etiru (Ner - Nbn): two house rentals, one fragmentary receipt concerning a purchase in which his son acts on his behalf, one fragmentary work contract concerning a prebend. II: Nabu-etir//Sangu-Ninurta (33 Nbk - 13 Nbn): eleven texts related to the pur- chase of fields, two field rentals, two texts concerning the purchase of a house, two texts about the cancellation of a slave sale (transmitted through the Egibi archive). II: Iddin-Marduk//Bel-aplu-usur (Nbn): two dowry records, one field rental, one fragment of a rental text (field or house). The Sangu-Ninurta archive 371 II: Bel-iksur//Etiru: (7 Nbn - 2 Cyr): one field rental (concerning the dowry field of fSikkuttu), one receipt, payment on behalf of his father, one debt note for silver (debtor), one slave rental and apprenticeship contract (owner of the slave). II: Ea-sumu-usur//Etiru (Nbn): one receipt for payment of a share in a business debt (three partners, mutual payment guarantee). II: fSikkuttu//URU.DU -mansum (2 Ner - 8 Dar): one purchase of a house, two property transfers to her children (the second being an updated version of the first), one silver debt note (creditor), two field rentals, one lawsuit. Ill: Iddin-Bel//Sangu-Ninurta (7 Nbn - 4+ Camb): three texts related to the pur- chase of fields, two dowry records, four texts concerning field rentals, three debt notes on short term deliveries of commodities (debtor), three short term silver debts (debtor), one silver debt at interest (debtor), one delivery of reed to a royal official of the crown prince's estate. Ill: 'Nadaya/ZBel-aplu -usur (10 Nbn - 14 Dar): three dowry records, two of which concern a field, two texts concerning rental income from the dowry field, one fragment. Ill: fBabaya//Bel-aplu -usur (10 Nbn - 23 Dar): three texts about dowry related matters, three concerning the rental of a dowry field, two property transfers (her son and one of her nephews as beneficiaries) concerning a dowry field in return for maintenance. Ill: Harisanu//Bel-aplu-usur (19 Dar - 36 Dar: one receipt for a short term silver debt (debtor), one receipt for silver in connection with the antichretic use of a house (creditor and tenant, together with fAmtiya [his wife]), two texts concern- ing taxes, one short term promissory note for dates (debtor), one fragment about a legal case concerning a field. IV: Itti-Nabu-balatu//Sangu-Ninurta (7 Camb - 17 Dar): six records related to the purchase of fields, four related to rent, four dowry records, one cancellation of a slave sale, two debt notes for silver (debtor), two debt notes for commodi- ties (debtor). IV: Bel-nadin-apli//Etiru (7 Camb - 1 Xer): two house rentals, one sale of a house (to his aunt fSikkuttu), three silver debt notes (debtor, large sums at inter- est). IV: Son of Harisanu//Bel-aplu-usur (23 Dar): one property transfer by his aunt fBabaya on condition of his providing for her. IV: Bel-bullissu//Bel-aplu-usur (son of fBabaya, 23 Dar): one property transfer by his mother on condition of his providing for her. 372 Cornelia Wunsch The Dowries The following list summarises the information that can be obtained from the different kinds of records about the dowries from both the women marrying into, as well as out of, the three main families. It goes without saying that these texts still deserve a detailed study. The second generation KaSSaya, daughter of Sulaya//Bel-aplu-usur, married to Marduk-sumu- iddin/I s sur//Egibi 1881-7-27, 201: Dowry conversion (39 Nbk). The husband replaces eight minas of silver, two female slaves and fifty shekels of quppu silver (i.e. silver from the "purse" of his wife) at the request of his wife with two plots of land (comprising a date grove and arable land) of at least 1.1.2 kur in total. The orchard of about 0.1 kur (2700 m2) is situated in Kar-Tasmetu. fBelessunu, daughter of Nabu-zeru-ukin, married to Nabu-etir/IqIsaya//Sangu- Ninurta Nbk. 386: Slave sale (41 Nbk). The husband buys a slave woman with twenty-three shekels of silver from her dowry [the name in line 7 reads tBe-let-su-nu*, collated]. BRM 1 51: Invalidation of the aforementioned slave sale, receipt of the purchase price (42 Nbk). BM 46648: Record of additional witnesses to two land sale contracts (9 Nbn). One of the two real estate purchases is in the name of fBelessunu (misspelled), the other in the name of her husband. The third generation fNMaya, daughter of Iddin-Marduk//Bel-aplu-usur, married to Iddin-Bel/Nabu- etir//S angu-Ninurta BM 46713: Rental contract for a date grove on the Euphrates that fNadaya shares as her dowry with her sister fBabaya (10 Nbn). BM 45560 // 46788: Quitclaim concerning a field in Bit-salu at the Euphrates that fNadaya and her sister fBabaya were given as part of their dowries (16 Nbn). Both parties promise to divide the plot as is according to their share and renounce any claims against the father should the plot turn out to be smaller than promised. BM 45526: Division of the dowry field in Bit-salu (6 Cyr). fNadaya is represented by her husband. BM 46686: Promissory note for 55 kur of dates, imittu rent of fNadaya's dowry field (2 Dar). fBaba-etirat (fBabaya), daughter of Iddin-Marduk//Bel-aplu-usur, married to (1) Marduk-aplu-usur/ErIba-Marduk//Misiraya and (2) Itti-Nabu-balatu//Bel-aplu- usur The Sangu-Ninurta archive 373 BM 45534(+)45535: Receipt for three dowry slaves ([x] Nbn). The wife's father hands the slaves over to husband (1). BM 45560 // 46788: Quitclaim concerning a dowry field in Bit-salu (16 Nbn). See under fNadaya. BM 45526: Division of the dowry field in Bit-salu (6 Cyr), see under fNadaya. fBabaya is not represented by her husband but acts herself. BM 46654: Dowry conversion (8 Cyr): Husband (1) confirms a previous property transfer in favour of his wife (dating back to 14 Nbn) about a house plot of six reeds and four slaves, and adds another four slaves as compensation for dowry items that he spent: eight minas of silver, half a mina of gold and personal items from his wife's quppu. The tablet seems to name a subsidary heir, but the passage in question is damaged. The husband's mother acts as an ina asdbi witness, i.e. she renounces any claims on the slaves who originally might have belonged to her own dowry. BM 46709: Transfer of dowry property (23 Dar). fBabaya transfers her share in a dowry field that she co-owns with her sister to her son Bel-bullissu/Itti-Nabu- balatu//Bel-aplu-usur, i.e. the son of husband (2). The son is granted usufruct imme- diately and in return has to provide for his mother during her lifetime. BM 45436: Transfer of dowry property ([23] Dar). fBabaya transfers her share in a dowry field that she co-owns with her sister to the son of her brother Harisanu. Same stipulations about maintenance as in BM 46709, but fragmentary. The fourth generation fBelessunu (alias fBissaya), daughter of Zababa-eriba//Eppes-ilI, married to Itti- Nabu-balatu/Iddin-Bel//Sangu-Ninurta BM 46685: Dowry promise for 3 minas of silver and itemised household goods for fBelessunu (7 Camb). BM 46962: Receipt for three minas of dowry silver of fBissaya ([x]+l Dar). The promised household items have not yet been transferred. The silver is meant for set- tling her husband's debts for which the east wing of his house had been pledged. Proof of payment has to be produced within a few days. The wife claims the previous pledge as security for her dowry silver. BM 46698: Fragmentary promissory note (19 Dar). Eight shekels of silver are owed to fBi[ssaya, full filiation given]. f§idaya, daughter of Iddin-Bel//Sangu-Ninurta, married to Iddin-Bel (probably identical with the son of Nergal-iddin//Sangu-Samas) BM 47001: Dowry record (time of Darius). fSidaya's brother Itti-Nabu-balatu prom- ises silver and itemised household goods as her dowry, obviously after their father's death. Tablet damaged. BM 46744: Property transfer in addition to the dowry (17 Dar). fSidaya's brother Itti- Nabu-balatu transfers 1.1.3 kur of arable land with date palms to her and her hus- band. This plot could be identical with a field that he previously had purchased from the groom and his brother. 374 Cornelia Wunsch fMuranatu, daughter of Iddin-Bel//Sangu-Ninurta, married to Bel- iddin/Musezib-Bel//Bel-eteri BM 46797: Promissory note about dowry silver (14 Dar). The husband is owed three minas of silver by the wife's brother Itti-Nabu-balatu. Promise to pay within three months without interest. BM 46711: Dowry record with receipt clause (14 Dar, only two days after BM 46797). fMuranatu's brother Itti-Nabu-balatu delivers part of her dowry that com- prises 3 minas 20 shekels of silver, 1 mina of quppu silver, jewellery items of gold and itemised household goods in total. The damaged receipt clause seems to relate to the dowry silver including its quppu component being handed over to the groom. The wife's mother acts as an ina asdbi witness. Fields and gardens Three members of the Sangu-Ninurta family, Nabu-etir, his son Iddin-Bel, and his grandson Itti-Marduk-balatu, are known to have acquired real estate in the countryside around Babylon, in Bit-Nabu-ipus, Bit-salu and Bit-utemu.14 All of these localities are said to be situated on the Euphrates, probably in close pro- ximity to one another; the location of the latter is once described as outside the Uras gate, i.e. to the south of Babylon, on the eastern bank of the river. The first purchase probably dates back to 6 Nbn (date damaged), and no less than thirteen records in total deal with the different steps in a sequence of trans- actions that result in Nabu-etir acquiring two separate plots of land as well as adjacent holdings from several co-owners from the Sumu-libsi family. At least one further share was purchased later by his son Iddin-Bel. Some of the vendors had pledged their shares, some co-owners might have sold them on prior to Nabu-etir's purchase. Therefore it is difficult to estimate the actual size and value of the property. Where the prices of the shares are known, they range from 7'/2 shekels to 1 mina 53 shekels. One of these texts from the year 10 Nbn mentions Iddin-Marduk from the Bel-aplu-usur family as owner of a neighbouring plot. His daughter fNadaya was to be married to Iddin-Bel. The preserved records about her dowry deal with the division of a field in Bit-salu between her and her sister, evidently in close vicin- ity to the Sangu-Ninurta holdings. Her son Itti-Nabu-balatu later (years 12 and 17 Dar) purchased two further plots adjacent to family property in Bit-utemu from members of the Gallabu and Sappaya families. Around the same time he also acquired a share in another field, probably in the same area, for 2 minas 2 shekels from two brothers from the Sangu-Samas family. One of them was either already married to Itti-Nabu- balatu's sister or soon to became her spouse, as in 17 Dar Itti-Nabu-balatu con- Always spelled E-w-NE-mw; the reading is not clear. The Sangu-Ninurta archive 375 veys this field to his sister and her husband. It is explicitly said not to be part of her dowry.15 Urban properties Documents relating to two purchases of urban real estate by members of the Sangu-Ninurta and Etiru families have survived. Nabu-etir//Sangu-Ninurta bought a plot of nearly 60 m2 with a dilapidated house in the Su'anna district of Babylon right by the city wall Imgur-Enlil16 in the year 33 Nbk for 14 shekels of silver. It is said to be an extension (tipu) to a house previously purchased by him.17 His grandson later (at the beginning of Darius's reign) pledged the east wing of his house to his creditor(s). His father-in-law bailed him out with money as- signed for his daughter's dowry. In return, she took the house wing as a pledge to secure her dowry.18 It is not clear if this house is identical with the one pur- chased by Nabu-etir, but it has to be pointed out that none of the dowries of the Sangu-Ninurta daughters contained any house plot. There may well have been only one family residence. The situation is different in the other family branches. fBabaya from the Bel- aplu-usur family receives part of her husband's house plot in lieu of dowry sil- ver. ' 'Sikkuttu from the URU.DU -mansum family purchased a house plot from her nephew; clearly she used her own funds, as she later assigned it to her son and her daughters.20 Her father-in-law is known to have rented out houses, as well as her nephew. Her daughter with her husband took a house as antichretic pledge with the intention of rebuilding it (ana episanuti). It can be assumed that these family members derived some of their income from house rentals. Prebends Members of the Sangu-Ninurta ('"Priest" of Ninurta') family can be expected to have had some link to the service of this deity and to have held some kind of prebendary position in Ninurta's temple. Unfortunately, none of the preserved ... iknuk-ma elat nudunne quppisu u ude bitisu pan PN ahatisu u PN mutisu ana umi sati usadgil. 16 I.e. in the south of the city on the east bank of the Euphrates inside the city wall, pre- sumably close to the Uras Gate (see the map in George 1992: 24). Interestingly, the fields on the Euphrates bought by Nabu-etir and his descendants later on are located close to the Uras gate as well, but outside of the city wall. 17 BM 45416 and BM 45561 // 46636. 18 BM 46962. 19 BM 46654. 20 SeeWunsch 2003: 9If 376 Cornelia Wunsch records from this archive attest to it. The reason may lie in the way this archive was ultimately handed down.21 Therefore we cannot be sure whether, and if so, to what extent, this family line derived revenue from the temple. Only one fragmentary tablet of Ea-ahhe-iddin//Etiru (fSikkuttu's father-in- law) from the reign of Nabonidus could point to a prebendary context,22 as it mentions days 8 to 11 of a specific month and the key term massartu, "service obligation" as well as a guarantee clause that typically can be found when duties linked to a prebend are assigned to another person. As sheep and an animal hide are specified, one may think of a butcher's prebend (tdbihutu), but these indica- tions are more than vague. Slaves Slaves are mainly mentioned as assets in the context of dowry proposals and receipts or as security for debt. Apart from this, two cases of cancelled slave purchases are known.23 One fragmentary contract by Bel-iksur//Etiru fSik- kuttu's brother-in-law) seems to contain the stipulation that his slave should be taught the weaver's craft for two years.24 Day-to day business records Debt notes or receipts about dates or cereals owed to the Sangu-Ninurta, Bel- aplu-usur, URU.DU-mansum, or Etiru family members normally display the term imittu or sutu and thus relate to the lease of these families' orchards or arable land. The Sangu-Ninurta family also owned a garden (limitu) with fruit trees (gapnu) other than date palms which the tenant had to water with buckets by hand (ddlutu).25 The tenants usually were free persons; only fSikkuttu employed a couple of her own slaves.26 Part of the gardens seem to have been worked (or at least man- aged) by family members themselves as tenants27 or by members of other fami- 21 v If our Sangu-Ninurta records happen to be retroacta for the dowry of a daughter of Itti- Nabu-balatu, the absence of prebendary texts could easily be explained, as prebends typically do not end up with the daughters. 22 BM 46959. 23 v Nbk. 386 and BRM 151 (Nabu-etir//Sangu-Ninurta as unsuccessful buyer, see n. 7) and BM 45425 (Itti-Nabu-balatu//Sangu-Ninurta's sale is cancelled). 24 BM 46953. 25 BM 46801. 26 BaAr 2 32. 27 v BM 46686: a brother of Nabu-etir//Sangu-Ninurta in charge of a dowry field of Nabu- etir's daughter-in-law; BM 46929: a brother of Itti-Nabu-balatu//Sangu-Ninurta's wife rents another person's field in the same area. The Sangu-Ninurta archive 377 lies that held adjacent plots. Occasional renewal clauses in rental contracts attest to the continuity of such relations. One text refers to taxes due for the use of the irrigation system (gugallutu)28 as can be found in all private archives that deal with the lease of fields and gardens. Short-term interest-free debt notes without security concerning commodities owed by members of the Sangu-Ninurta family most likely reflect delivery ar- rangements at harvest time for dates or barley over and above their own needs. It is worth noting that the commodities have to be delivered to Babylon. Iddin- Bel//Sangu-Ninurta's wife even requires the tenant of her dowry field (her brother-in-law) to make two trips to Babylon and to cover the transportation costs (gimru)?9 Obviously, their holdings were not served by the kind of com- modity-collection system that (among others) the Egibi family and their in-laws had set up step by step in the very same rural areas around Babylon. This may have been a deliberate choice, as the Sangu-Ninurta family's plots were not far from the city and bordered the Euphrates, i.e. they had easy access to cheap transport. One also has to keep in mind that the Egibis used debt leverage to secure for themselves large proportions of the prospective harvest in advance, most likely at less favourable terms than could be achieved without them as intermediary. Short-term interest-free loans30 from various creditors which were to be repaid in the months after the barley and date harvest might even suggest that the Sangu-Ninurtas themselves were involved in the commodity trade, though on a much smaller scale and with a less aggressive strategy than the Egibis. A promissory note to the debit of one of their tenants from the reign of Cambyses even mentions vessels (for beer brewing) and the key word harranu "business venture,"31 another parallel to the Egibi business. One generation earlier, at the beginning of Nabonidus's reign, Ea-sumu- usur//Etiru (fSikkuttu's husband) appears as repaying his share in a debt of silver that originally was jointly owed and guaranteed by him and two partners.32 No background information is available, but the kind of transaction does not hint at debts stemming from a personal financial crisis or failure to pay taxes. It rather points at a business partnership being dissolved. His brother Bel-iksur might have been involved in similar activities.33 It is possible that these families were some of the well-placed competitors that the Egibis and their in-law Iddin- Marduk//Nur-Sin at the beginning of their operations had to face. This could 28 BM 47010. 29 BM 46686; attestations of the term gimru are discussed in van Driel 2002: 171f. 30 BM 46652; 46657; 46675; 46676. 31 BM 46681. 32 BM 46938. 33 BM 46875: short-term interest-free loan, to be repaid after the harvest. 378 Cornelia Wunsch explain why Iddin-Marduk concentrated his efforts on a niche product (on- ions/garlic) in areas further away from the city.34 Bel-iksur's son Bel-nadin-apli, in contrast, owed rather large sums of silver at interest during the reign of Darius,35 but this alone is not sufficient for meas- uring his business success and assessing his overall financial situation. It should be noted that again the Egibi archive provides a parallel, since Marduk-nasir- apli's affairs in the second half of Darius's reign relied heavily on credit at inter- est, secured by pledges. Taxes Apart from taxes linked to the tenure of irrigated land, one text refers to the delivery of 60 kur (more than 10 m3) of reeds for firewood (abattu sa qandti) by Iddin-Bel//Sangu-Ninurta to a royal official in charge of the crown prince's estate (bit reduti) at the time of Nabonidus.36 The commodity is said to be the king's income (makkur sarri). The reason for this obligation is not specified, but the Sangu-Ninurta's holdings bordered onto crown land and reached as far as the Euphrates, so they may well have harvested reeds on the embankment. Two records attest to several forms of taxes37 being owed by Harisanu//Bel- aplu-usur during Darius's reign, summarised under the term ilku.38 Family members in official positions No member of the Sangu-Ninurta branch is known to have served in any official capacity, but fSikkuttu's father, Marduk-sakin-sumi//URU.DU-mansum, acted as a royal judge.39 Proof of his acitivities only comes from official records transmitted through the Egibi archive. fSikkuttu's nephew Bel-nadin-apli//Etiru acted as a notary in real estate con- veyances, whereby it is clear that he belonged to a highly qualified and exclu- sive group of scribes sometimes referred to as the "scribes of the king".40 Title deeds written and sealed by him have survived within the Sangu-Ninurta archive acquisiton context. Wunsch 1993 (Band A): 21-38. 35 BM 46878 (with antichretic pledge of a slave), BM 46848, BM 45453 (the elat clause mentions a previous obligation). 36 BM 46667. 37 Neo-Babylonian attestations are collected and discussed in van Driel 2002: 240-70. 38 BM 43877; 46684. 39 Wunsch 2000b: 578. For other notaries, see Baker and Wunsch 2001. Bel-nadin-apli is not included in the list there, since he is not so far attested in a collegium with other scribes. The Sangu-Ninurta archive 379 Royal judges as well as scribes of the king came into close contact with high administrative officials (e.g. the governor of Babylon in his judicial function) and can be proven to have been chosen from only a few well-connected and influential Babylonian families. The Sangu-Ninurtas were important enough to be connected to them, though we cannot be sure about their specific role in Babylonian society. Bibliography Bibliographical Abbreviations Abbreviations generally follow CAD and AfO 48/49 pp. 31 Iff. Note furthermore the following sigla and abbreviations: AUWE 5 text published in Gehlken 1990 BaAr 2 text published in Wunsch 2003 BiMes 24 text published in Weisberg 1999 BM siglum for tablets in the collections of the British Museum CBT2 see Sigrist a/. 1996 CBT 8 see Leichty et al. 1988 CDCPP text published in Sack 1994 CM 12 text published in Wallenfels 1998 CSK text in the (former) private collection of Charles Sumner Knopf DAE see Grelot 1972 EAH text in the E. A. Hoffman Collection (Yale University) EE see Stolper 1985 EHE text published in Durand 1982 Fort. Elamite Fortification tablet from Persepolis FLP text in collections of the Free Library of Philadelphia, published by Dillard 1975 IMT see Donbaz and Stolper 1997 Iraq 59 text published in Jursa 1997 NBC siglum for tablets in the Nies Babylonian Collection (Yale University) NCBT siglum for tablets in the Newell Collection of Babylonian Tablets (Yale University) NN Elamite Fortification tablet, unpublished transliteration by Hallock OIP 122 text published in Weisberg 2003 Peek text published in Pinches 1888 PF Elamite Fortification tablet published by Hallock 1969 PFa idem, published by Hallock 1978 PFS Persepolis Fortification Seal (concordance in Garrison and Root 1996/98) PT text published in Cameron 1948 PTS siglum for tablets in the collections of the Princeton Theological Seminary SAKF text published in Oberhuber 1960 SC siglum for tablets in the University of Southern California Collection pub- lished in Knopf 1933 and 1939 Spar, Diss. text published in Spar 1972 UNC text in the collection of the University of North Carolina YBC siglum for tablets in the Yale Babylonian Collection (Yale University) Bibliography Abraham, K. 1997 "Susan in the Egibi Texts from the Time of Marduk-nasir-apli," OLP 28: 55-85. 2004 Business and Politics under the Persian Empire. 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